Iban Agressive Expansion(part 4)

by Stephanie Morgan

This glance at relatively recent history has brought out some of the main characteristics of Iban migration. It was in most cases rapid; aggressive; persistent; and successful. It also seems to have been so basic to the Iban outlook on life that there are few cultural and technological traits of their society that do not either necessitate a frequent change of site, facilitate it, or (the exact relationships are hard to trace) even derive from it. Culture and the migratory pressures perhaps evolved together; where this happened, what might be the source land of migration, is itself a problem frequently discussed. As recounted in Mr. Sandin’s book, the earliest people to possess a recognizably Iban culture seem to have been inhabitants of the Kapuas basin in West Kalimantan.

                                               (ignore this pic of me...i just have no idea of what pic to put)

Most probably the curious immigrants from overseas, landing at Merudu Hill and Cape Datu, head some of the traditional Iban genealogies because their descendants married Ibans rather than for any Iban identity of their own; indeed, Derom is curiously linked through his offspring not only with Ibans but with peoples as diverse as Bukitans, Melanaus, and Kelabits.7 Through many similarly misty links (such as those shown in the tusut appended to Mr. Sandin’s book) the line of Iban ancestry seems to go back to men, if they were men, living somewhere in the Middle East (some of them near Mecca) who moved, or whose descendants moved, to Sumatra then to Kalimantan, sometimes by way of Brunei. It is not likely that this outline represents any actual mass movement of population (favourite recourse of early theories, like that of Dr. Hose which derived the Ibans from fighters imported from Sumatra by Malay pirate nobles); but it may be symbolic of the drift of some of the cultural traits which apparently diffused into the Kapuas area, there to be woven by a people of unknown origin into their own style of life, whose shape we can only guess at, with explosive results. The historical processes surrounding the evolution of the Iban ethnic identity can only be viewed through a prism of myth; the commitment to expansion which permeates traditional Iban culture, however much of it may be the result of what it might be used to explain, is far easier to investigate.

...to be continued

*source Tansang Kenyalang GN Mawar

Rentap the movie

There is news about making a movie about Rentap.

Will it be as good as Apocalypto or Braveheart?

Looking forward to it!

Iban Agressive Expansion (part 3)

By Stephanie Morgan

 The more traditional, more lasting process of aggressive expansion up into the Rejang and Balleh was rather curiously accelerated by the Brooke regime, whose avowed interest was to keep the Ibans close at hand. Migration was under way well before the English, intending to control the pirate raids, built their forts in the Iban rivers; but the resulting official divisions into downriver and upriver groups gave a new impetus to population movements. As some Iban groups had co-operated for mutual benefit with Malays, so the same groups came to co-operate with the English. “Only Dayaks can attack Dayaks to make them feel in any way a punishment” said the Rajah Charles Brooke, and he made great use of Iban levies, conveniently costless: they came gladly, arranging if possible attacks on their own enemies, or taking advantage of the government’s.

The great Kayan expedition of 1863, while it thoroughly revenged the murder of Fox and Steele, in the process so completely broke the power of this other expansionist group that they never again resisted Iban migration into the Rejang.5 This went so far that some non-Iban interior tribes concluded that invading Ibans were always working for the Government. The rebellious pioneers took heads and raided; and after them came the equally deadly allies with official blessing, taking heads and burning longhouses, punishing them in the way most familiar to both. The inevitable result was that the upriver and downriver Ibans retained and practiced their ideology of aggression; and those upriver, who had most opportunity to migrate away and were most often raided to punish them for trying to do so, migrated even farther to be out of reach.

Both these aspects of Iban expansion and aggression in the nineteenth century – piracy, and movement to the north and east – were affected by outside pressures that suggested their form and direction; but it seems clear that neither Malays nor English had any real control over the wellsprings, the pace or the ultimate expression of Iban activity. The rare efforts to counteract this cultural drive (as with settlement in the Balleh) met with no more permanent success than did, in the long run, attempts to direct the urge for the formal rulers’ benefit. It is clear that in the matter of aggressive expansion Iban culture, while superficially highly adaptable, had a fundamental resistance to being changed.

*to be continues...

Source= Tangsang Kenyalang

Iban Aggressive Expansion (part 2)

By STEPHANIE MORGAN
 
Recent expansion:
The main expressions of the second surge of restlessness were migration to the Rejang, which continued an old trend partly under new impulsion; “intertribal warfare”, which may be seen as a natural outgrowth of the local territorial rivalries of periods I and II, extended farther by more settled and regionally consolidated populations; and piracy, which shaded off from the above intra-Iban conflicts, through attacks on mixed and weaker groups, to predatory sea-raiding on non-Ibans far down the coast of Kalimantan. On this vast scale of numbers involved and distances covered, raiding was something quite new; it seemed to be a sparking-over of the resurgent aggressive drive, an expansion not at all connected with ecology. Land was available to the north and east; the pirates went southwest for heads. The Europeans, who could understand taking a head as souvenir of a warrior’s valour, found the emphasis on simple quantity a wanton exacerbation, and blamed as instigators the Malays – with whom the Ibans, as their population continued to expand, had come into closer contact along the coast.3
Undoubtedly the Malays did encourage Iban warfare, among Ibans themselves (Indra Lela) and against Malay-ruled peoples who evaded contribution. They sanctioned raids in return for a share of the plunder, and at times joined with the Ibans, dividing work and spoils in a manner which showed that the value systems of the two cultures were conveniently complementary: “Their pilots are Malays, who always show the way; the spoil is the property of the pilots, the women and children and skulls are the property of the Dayaks.”4 Each group in fact made use of the other, for the Ibans were strong enough to resist being manipulated against their will, and had, moreover, the ever-present option of migration. (It was evident then, and still more so under the Brookes, that what the Ibans considered political oppression was as much of an impetus as the desire to avoid a feud.) The techniques of piracy may have been learned under Malay guidance, though at this time or earlier some Ibans were serving apprenticeship on Illanun pirate ships while others, such as Unggang (Lebor Menoa), adopted their methods and fought against them; but the uses to which the techniques were put were purely Iban, and often Malays themselves were their victims. The indiscriminate emphasis on a quantity of heads, as far as it existed, may well have grown from the novelty of the entire situation. These raids were not in the traditional context of inter-group hostility, and would usually not be reciprocated; the most dangerous part of a raid on land was getting away, but these shore-dwellers, if they had boats large enough to give chase, would rarely be left with either the men or the daring to do so.
The nomadic groups that the Ibans had attacked before were few in number, but their defeat freed vast areas of good land, Here the raiders made no settlement (for which, according to Mr. Sandin, they were criticized by more migration-minded leaders); unable to gain prestige by working his well-earned forests, the raider made up the lack in heads alone. Each warrior owed the first bead or captive that he took to his war leader, which meant that he must take several to get some of his own; and as more heads were taken, the prestige value of small numbers fell, evidently creating an inflationary spiral to be stopped only by force.

source= Tansang Kenyalang

Iban Aggressive Expansion: Some Background Factors

By,
STEPHANIE MORGAN

Mr. Benedict Sandin’s recently published book, The Sea Dayaks of Borneo before White Rajah Rule, has no doubt become familiar to all interested in the people and traditions of Borneo. Here, for the first time, a highly educated and scholarly Iban writes with authority on his own people, and therefore with an understanding which a Westerner, even after years of field study, could rarely hope to approach. Familiar from childhood with the traditions of the Iban past, Mr. Sandin has drawn the skeletal structure of his study from the orally transmitted genealogies, tusut, of which thirty-two are appended to his text. The tales associated with these remembered ancestors illustrate his main theme, the westward migrations of the Iban people from Indonesian Borneo to the Second Division of Sarawak, and west again and north, during approximately the past fifteen generations. The material so vividly presented here is enough to feed theory for many years to come, and another book dealing with earlier and more recent periods is underway. The present short paper draws on aspects of Mr. Sandin’s material as well as other sources in an attempt to explore certain generalities, which underlie his narrative, and some of the points, which, because of their speculative nature, fall outside the scope of his book. In dealing with this complex range of material, I have drawn upon suggestions given by Dr. Robert Pringle and Dr. George Appell. The impetus and advice provided by Mr. Tom Harrisson, for whose seminar on Malaysia at Cornell University the body of this paper was originally written, have been invaluable; and Mr. Sandin himself has contributed the benefit of his experience in essential explanation.

The process of Iban migration, as Mr. Sandin’s material makes very clear, was far from orderly or organized either in space or in time. Its patterns were shaped by chance, by a network of individual decisions. A man such as Punoh* would quarrel with a neighbour, and move out to avoid the consequences; another, like Tindin, would make a friend in new rich land; another would hastily migrate, as Kaya did, to prevent relatives or strangers from getting to new territory before him. In the days when local conflict spread and hardened into “inter-tribal” hostility, the whole river populations might be driven out, even long-settled ones like the Undups. But the basic force of most directed migration was the desire for fertile land, which led to prestige and prosperity; and this meant, in these areas of thin and basically infertile soil, the old jungle living richly on itself. Those who felled it first owned the land forever, or as long as they wanted it: but as long as the forest seemed inexhaustible, farther pioneering was more attractive, symbolically and practically, than close-knit, rotated exploitation. So untouched land might be left ignored and once-settled areas deserted, till claims had lapsed so long that no one of a later immigration could tell who had first felled the forest they were clearing once again.(1) Specially erratic, migrations also moved at varying paces, according to the strength of the migrants’ motivation and the quality of the land. If nothing compelled them and the land was good, a group (probably several related families) would move gradually up from the mouth of a tributary, clearing its side spurs from valley to crest, as far as the headwaters: then away to a neighboring tributary, perhaps to return ten or twenty years later, or not at all. The Tuan Muda judged their average progress as four or five days’ journey every one or two years.2

(*The particulars of his story, and those of other men mentioned, may be found in Sea Dayaks of Borneo: page references are given with the names, in the first Index following this paper.)

The conscious motivations of migration, however, need not be the only reasons for the existence and persistence of this cultural option; nor do they explain why it became such a powerful and cherished part of Iban values, nor why its impulse seemed to be stronger before 1700 and after the early 1800′s (periods I and III of Mr. Sandin’s book) than in the relatively sessile interim. The first period, out of range of written history, is the more problematical; in the more recent, Iban movements were affected by outside influences, novel and shallow compared to the cultural drives which often they invoked (and then found most difficult to repress). But this very lack of depth may make their effect on the Iban easier to trace; and the more recent, documented Iban may be a convenient introduction to the Iban of the farther past, which is in large part an extrapolation.

*to be continued

source= Tansang Kenyalang

Myth and History – Early Migrations and the Origins of Iban Culture

In ancient times, when the island of Borneo was still only sparsely inhabited, those who dwelled there lived in fear of many kinds of demons, dwarfs and spirits. These beings might either look after men or else punish them with death if they broke taboos.

As spirits (antu) were everywhere, men had to be very careful in what they said and did. They could not speak arrogantly when they fished the river or hunted the forests. If they did so, boasting that they could easily obtained fish or game, their efforts would come to nothing. Similarly, an individual was strictly forbidden to mock other living things; if he did so, the spirit would destroy him with kudi, a violent supernatural storm in which a culprit and all his belongings were turned to stone (batu kudi). Houses and human beings believed to have been petrified in the past can still be seen in many places in Sarawak.

Migration from Kapuas River mouth upriver: Where the Ibans meet the Arab Traders.

In these very early times, because of the presence of spirits all around them, settlers in Borneo frequently discussed the nature and dwelling place of the gods and spirits, to find the best way to worship and pay respect to them. The Muslim missionaries had already started to arrive to trade and spread their Islamic teachings to this part of the country. They had already established their foothold in the islands of Sumatra and Java and gradually weakened the Hindu Majapahit Empire. It was at about this time, at a place called Ketapang in Northwest Kalimantan, there lived a very famous Iban ancestor named Bejie. The Muslim missionaries had frequently spoken of the almighty god named Allah whose abode is high in the sky. The people began to believe that this god is living above all other deities of this world. On hearing this, Bejie thought of an idea to visit the almighty Allah in the sky to ask god personally about the best way for his people to worship and pay respect to god. He called for a large meeting of his people to discuss the construction of a stairway, on the tallest enchepong tree in the country, to reach heaven. They all agreed to his proposal hoping that they could reach god’s house in heaven.

The ladder was constructed from ironwood (belian) trunk. The base of the ladder was planted at the base of the enchepong tree branches to reach the next branch. Eventually, after some years, the top of the ladder stood above the cloud. As Bejie and his men, all dressed up to visit almighty Allah in the sky, made a final climb to heaven. As they proceed up the ladder, the enchepong tree unfortunately gave way due to the sheer weight of the ironwood ladder. Its root had been rotten and eaten away by termites throughout the construction period. As the ladder collapsed, Bejie and his followers fell headlong to the earth. The ladders landed on various rivers throughout the west-central Borneo. Any ironwood trunk which may be found inside many rivers, are known as “Tangga Bejie”, and it is a taboo to use it to construct any part of the longhouse as it would bring bad omen to the house owner.

Before the construction of the ladder, Bejie had assigned his brother named Bada to lead his people. Bejie had also begot a son named Nisi whose praised name was “Bunga besi enda semaia makai tulang”. Nisi begot a son named Antu Berembayan Bulu Niti Berang who was the father of Telichu, Telichai and Ragam. Ragam was the mother of Manang Jarai (or Manang Tuai – the first Iban shaman).

After the death of Bejie, their people moved to Kayung. There were other Iban along the coast at the time, especially at Trusan Tanjong Bakong and in general around the mouth of Kapuas River. After Bejie’s descendant had settled there for quite sometime, Arab traders arrived in large sailing ship from Jeddah. They do barter trade with the Ibans exchanging clothes and spices for rice and jungle products. This was the first time the Iban had ever seen woven clothes. Before then, they had only lion clothes and skirts made from barks of trees.

As more Arab traders and Muslim missionary came to trade with the Ibans, many Ibans were converted to this new faith. Soon, divisions began to appear among the Iban leaders between those who adopted the Muslim faith and those who still followed traditional beliefs. Those who chose to follow traditional ways of life began to separate themselves and moved up river in large number. Those who were prepared to accept Islamic teachings, stayed at Kayung. They began to call themselves the Malay of Pontianak, Sampit, Kayung, Sukadana and Sambas. In time, they began to marry new Malays who had come to trade in Kalimantan, especially the traders from Minangkabau in Sumatra.

Due to the tolerances of the Iban people, no reported incidents were recorded in their songs with regards to this manner of separation or with Muslims in particular. This tolerance has been the major factor that contributes to the prosperity and harmony of the Iban people living together with other people of different races and religions to this present day. Infact, the Ibans thrive well under this circumstance because they are hardworking people, a tribute found in the pioneering spirits of their ancestors. Only those who were crazy for power and wealth brought major conflict to this country, not the tolerant and resilient Ibans.

The Ibans then moved further up the Kayung until they reached a place called Ulu Landak. After settling there for sometimes, some of them migrated up the Melawi River. After settling along the banks of Melawi River for three generations, their leaders, Raja Ningkan, Sagan-Agan, Bedali and Jugah called for a large meeting to discuss further migrations. They agreed to migrate and separate from their relatives, and they built many large boats with the help of those who wished to remain behind. It is also to be noted that all the material wealth or properties that the Iban people value today is the same as that which was valued by the people of Malawi in the past, especially the old Chinese jars and brasswares.

From Melawi, they separated and moved to the Sintang River where the passed a large areas of farmland. They looked for the owner of the farmland and were told that the farmland owner had moved to Pontianak and that they could farm there that year only as the informer could not guarantee that the owner would not return to reclaim the land. They started to plant padi that year and had a bountiful harvest. After the harvest, they left the area to live at the mouth of Sintang River for one year.

From Nanga Sintang, the Iban went up the Kapuas where they meet other people. They found that not many people had settled along the right bank of the Kapuas River, as majority of them preferred to live along the more fertile land of the left bank. From the main Kapuas River, they went up the Sakayam tributary. From the mouth of this river, all lands on both banks are owned by the Mualang Dayaks. It took them two full days to reach the first Mualang Dayak Longhouse from its mouth. They stayed only a few nights in the Mualang Dayak Longhouse.

In their conversation with the Mualangs, Jugah and Bedali told the Mualangs the story of their movements since they left the Kayung settlement. They told the Mualangs that they had separated from their relatives who had been converted to Muslims by the Arab missionaries to avoid conflict and religious persecution. They told them that they had lived in the Melawi and had migrated down the Sintang River to look for new lands in which to settle. They asked the Mualangs whether they might give them land to live on. The Mualangs told them that although there was still a lot of virgin forest on both banks of the Sakayam, as the Iban had seen, all the land belongs along both banks had been claimed by them from its mouth up to the settlement they had reached.

The Mualang further told the Iban that all the lands above their settlement belonged to the Chengkang Dayaks, and then further up to Balai Kerangan, the land belonged to the Sebaru Dayaks. All land beyond that belonged to the Remun Dayaks.

The Iban told the Mualang that they did not want to migrate further and wished to settle alongside the Mualang there. The Mualang agree only if the Iban agreed to live in the same longhouse with them. The Iban finally agreed to live in the same longhouse with the Mualang. They lived many years with them, and a great number of them intermarried, becoming Mualang.

After the Iban had greatly multiplied; they separated from the Mualang and moved to the Sanggau River. Here they lived much closed to the Bugau Dayaks. After some years of staying there, the moved to Semitau under their chiefs, Raja Ningkan, Jenua, Jugah, Rawing, Jimbun, Sagan-Agan and Jengkuan. All these chiefs were brave men. Due to their bravery and aggressiveness, all other Dayaks were afraid of them.

*source Tansang Kenyalang

The Origin and Traditional values of Iban Cock-fighting

Cock-fighting is another type of culture or recreation which is commonly shared by the Ibans. Their interest for this culture originated from the game introduced by Raja Machan who held a cock-fighting bout with Ambong Mungan. The later lost the contest to Raja Machan and decided to go to visit the supernatural being in the sky to look for a fighting cock. In the domain of the God in the Sky, he met with a Supreme God called Raja Petara who gave him a fighting cock with the coloration of “Tuntong Lang Ngindang Terbai, Biring Belangking Pipit Kechuai”. Raja Petara told him that the fighting cock would never be defeated in the contest. With this prized possession given by the Supreme God, Ambong Mungan staged another cock-fighting session against Raja Machan. With such divine help, he won the contest.

There is another story of an Iban man named Kendawa, who went to the underworld in search for a good fighting cock with the coloration of “Biring Gerunggang”. In the underworld, he met with Ensing Jara who is a deity who looks after the soul of the dead fighting cock. He is also known as God of Cockfighting. These tales goes to show that cock fighting is a serious affair to the past Iban man who went through great length in search for a good fighting cock. Furthermore, they also imitated the game where their fable hero Keling, his friends and Gods of war, Sengalang Burong and his party held a cock-fighting contest against their arch enemies, Apai Sabit Bekait and demon Nising or Beduru in the sky.

The Iban believed that all the fighting cock that the supernatural being (Petara and Bunsu Antu) used in the cock-fighting contest, turned into human warriors. That is why cock fighting is closely tied to intangible qualities of human nature, their spiritual fulfillment and their religious refinement. It signifies a man’s chivalry while fighting enemies during war expeditions. As human beings became the fighting cocks of the supernatural being, they bore many different types of coloration (bulu manok), which is believed to reflect the personality profile of each warrior. The Iban believes that every warrior is born with his or her own “god given” fate (tuah diberi Petara) and destiny (nasib). These fate and destiny can only be seen and read from the scales of the fighting-cock’s leg and in its coloration. The scale is unique to individual rooster reflecting the unique fate given by god to individual warrior. That is why an Iban warrior is called “manok sabong” (fighting cock), spiritually sharing and possessing similar properties and characteristic. Thus, through these supernatural being, the Iban learn how to recognize the different type of coloration of the fighting cock and choose their preferred colorations that fit their personality when they became true warrior. With this traditional knowledge, the Iban learn how to recognize the quality and profile of each warrior and the natural element that influence them.

An Iban man is only a true warrior after he has slain an enemy in a battle. A true warrior will declare to God his praise name (ensumbar) and his choice of fighting cock coloration with the blood of his first slain enemy on their hand, which they tapped on their knees, elbows, on top of their head (bubun) and at the tip of their tongue. The declaration is also followed by swearing to God to abide by the rules of engagement handed down for generations. Once the fighting cock coloration has been declared with an enemy blood, the same coloration fighting cock must be used to honour the said warrior when he is invited to grace any major festival of the Iban people. If he needs to change his praise name later in life, he needs to repeat the same process using a fresh blood of his slain enemy.

The Iban warriors adorn beautiful headgear during major festivals or war expedition. These headgears are decorated with beautiful Angus pheasant feathers to resemble the beauty and grace of a fighting cock. The art of cock fighting teaches them to recognize the vulnerability of individual warriors. This helps the warleader to select individual warriors to perform specific task in a war expedition, which, at times, would include death duel with enemy warriors. That is why cock-fighting is not only a favorite pastime, but it is also a school of thought that teaches chivalrous behavior (courteous and considerate behavior) associated with the spirit of Iban warriors. It also teaches the Iban about the natural behavior, character and instinct of different fighting cock as it’s coloration represented the type of fish, birds, animals and insect living in its natural environment; location of the sun for their active and inactive time, feeding time, playing time, rest time; river tide situation; etc. Cock fighting thus represented the Iban’s religious and personal ideal. It is certainly their unique way of life.

The period when the Ibans normally hold cock-fighting bouts is between the felling season and the time when the burning is approaching. In the past, this was known as the annual cock-fighting Season.

In the past, on the eve of a cock-fighting contest, leaders of the cock-fighting teams would ask two bards to sing renong (folk songs), one after another. The renong that they sang were the ones that were formerly prescribed for war expeditions. They mentioned Keling, Bunga Nuing and party who went on war expeditions against their archenemy, Apai Sabit Bekait. War expeditions are similar to cock-fighting contests. Therefore, whenever the Iban leaders wanted to go on war expeditions, they would ask the bards to sing the renong specifically prescribed for cock-fighting contests, following what Ensing Jara did when he held a cock-fighting bout against Ngerai and Niram from the land of the dead (sebayan). Whenever they sing the renong, mainly for cock-fighting bouts or war expeditions, they must prepare offerings because the supernatural being that used to go on war expeditions or held cock-fighting contests are all mentioned in their songs.

However, to the Ibans who adhere to the old customs, cock fighting does not bring them any harm. It is a traditional sports and if organized professionally, it will be good for the tourism industry which benefits the Dayak people. In the past, the cock-fighting session is the time they exchange views and contemplate various meaningful undertakings with each other. Through their conversation at the cock-fighting arena, a majority of them receive ideas on how to improve their methods of farming, gardening, trading and carrying out activities to raise their community standard of living.

The cunning ones do not indulge themselves too much in gambling and betting during cock-fighting bouts because they remember the advice of their elders on being thrifty. They are aware of the dangers of doing things irresponsibly which will not only reduce their families to destitution but create problems for their children after their deaths.

Nowadays, cocks fighting are being organized occasionally following a major festival, annual gawai Dayak festival and final death rites (ngetas ulit) to mark the end of mourning period. In the headhunting past, death rites was completed with the acquisition of fresh heads. Such practices of blood letting have been replaced with cock-fighting session. This beautiful tradition should be preserved and kept alive in a contemporary Iban society through a better-organized session, proper set of rules and better arena.

(additional*in Iban)

RUKUN SABONG

1. Mimpi rurus – Manah

2. Burong rurus – Manah

3. Bulu manok maioh bunoh – Ngeraup – Siti Bulu

4. Manok manah bintih – Kering sereta Silat

5. Tisik ngemudi ka bulu manok ti manah – Tuah

6. Ngangkat ka manok ngena hari – enggau atur

7. Saa manok enggau chukup – manah intu

8. Taji ka bulih – tajam

Lapan iti Rukun Sabong ti diterang ka datas nya, rukun sabong menang, enda bertuakal agi, tentu menang. Nya baru tau berani masang manok naka pemisi, tau dipasang nerima pasang besai.

Enti kita nyabong enda ngena rukun sabong datas nya, kita semina nyabong enggau buta-tuli, sapeneka ati aja, nyabong betuakal, nyabong nasit, nyabong ngapa, nyabong nadai penemu, nyabong nadai pelajar. Tampak bendar kitai enda nemu nyabong dipeda orang ti bisi ngembuan pelajar nyabong.

Enti udah belajar sereta nemu rukun sabong, nya baru tau nyatup orang nyabong sabarang maia lalu manok ke dibai kita ka gelanggang endang disadang menang. Baka kitai ka ngerja pengawa bukai, kitai mesti bisi petua, isharat enggau rukun awak ka pengawa kitai lurus pejalai. Nadai semua utai nyamai sereta mudah diulih kitai enti enda enggau petua, isharat enggau rukun. Kitai enda tau ngutuk diri empu enti alah kategal salah petua, isharat tauka rukun, laban penyalah nya endang penyalah kitai empu ti enda chukup pelajar tauka penyabar dalam pengawa nyabong.

Besabong ka manok tu baka pengawa kitai mensia ka bentaruh ka nyawa bebuti enggau pangan diri. Sapa alah, nya mati. Nya kabuah kitai enda tau enda betati ka tiap-tiap rukun sabong, enggai ka alah uti enggau pangan diri. Kelia, enti alah uti enggau pangan diri, ngagai ringka ga pemulai sida. Nya alai rukun sabong enda tau enda dipelajar awak ka enda lebu bebuti enggau pangan diri.

NGELALA BULU MANOK

Bansa kitai iban endang udah lama bisi panemu ngelala bulu manok. Ngelala bulu manok tu siti panemu sabong ti nyelai bendar enti dibanding enggau panemu bansa bukai ke sama bekunsi ka uti sabong bakatu. Bulu manok endang dikelala bansa iban nyemaka semua bansa utai ti idup (jelu, burong, ikan, indu utai enggau bansa utai tumboh) baik ka di dalam ai tauka di darat. Lalu pengangkat bulu manok mega ditemu kitai bansa nitih ka ulah, bunyi, gaya, pendiau enggau pemakai utai idup ti sabaka bulu enggau manok nya. Bakanya mega tuah manok ti dipeda kitai ba tuboh enggau ba tisik kaki manok sabong kitai. Tisik enggau tuah manok endang nitih ka pemai enggau gamal utai idup ti sabaka nama enggau bulu sida. Semua ulah enggau pendiau utai idup ti nyemaka enggau bulu manok endang dipelajar ka kitai Iban ngambi ka nemu maia hari sida kering, maia sida makai, maia sida diau, bansa utai di empa sida enggau maia ulah bukai. Semua utai tu endang bisi sangkut-paut enggau maia kitai nyabong manok sereta enggau sapa bulu manok ti disabong kitai nya ninggang pangan diri. Ari tuah enggau bulu manok, orang ke nemu nyabong endang nemu ni bagi manok ke bebintih nya tau dulu datai kaki ba lawan diri.

Bedudok ari pelajar sabong tu anak pungka lelaki Iban kelia endang udah diajar ngelala bulu manok kenyau ari sida iya agi biak. Sida mega diajar ngintu manok sabong ti aroh ati diri empu. Enti sida nyau udah nyadi ka manok sabong orang, sida nemu ngambu bulu manok sabong nyadi ka tanda pemerani sida tauka pengering bulu diri. Pengawa ngambu bulu manok sabong tu dikerja chara besumpah ngena darah munsoh ka udah didengah sida. Bulu manok sabong tu beguna bendar dikena miau enggau niki ka bala Raja Berani enggau Bujang Berani enti sida diambi ngerja pengawa gawai besai kitai bansa. Enti salah bulu manok dikena, pengawa sida tau sabau ngapa laban salah ripih pengawa lalu enda chukup intu. Utai baka tu tau ngemedis ka orang ka bempu pengawa. Nya kabuah ngadu enggau ngintu pengawa ba pengarap bansa kitai Iban pedis bendar enti nadai penemu ti chukup kena ngerja pengawa. Nya alai anak Iban enda tau enda nemu ngelala bulu manok, ukai semina dikena bebuti nyabong aja, tang mega ka penemu kena ngerja pengawa pengarap kitai bansa.

source: THE HOUSE OF SENGALANG BURONG

Rainbow in Pinnacle

Mulu National Park,Sarawak,Borneo

Iban History

The origin of the name Iban is a mystery, although many theories exist. During the British colonial era, the Ibans were called Sea Dayaks. Some believe that the word Iban was an ancient original Iban word for people or man. The modern-day Iban word for people or man is mensia, a slightly modified Malay loan word of the same meaning (manusia) of Sanskrit Root.

The Ibans were the original inhabitants of Borneo Island. Like the other Dayak tribes, they were originally farmers, hunters, and gatherers. Not much is known about Iban people before the arrival of the Western expeditions to Asia. Nothing was ever recorded by any voyagers about them.

The Ibans were unfortunately branded for being pioneers of headhunting. Headhunting among the Ibans is believed to have started when the lands occupied by the Ibans became over-populated. In those days, before the arrival of western civilization, intruding on lands belonging to other tribes resulted in death. Confrontation was the only way of survival.

In those days, the way of war was the only way that any Dayak tribe could achieve prosperity and fortune. Dayak warfare was brutal and bloody, to the point of ethnic cleansing. Many extinct tribes, such as the Seru and Bliun, are believed to have been assimilated or wiped out by the Ibans. Tribes like the Bukitan, who were the original inhabitants of Saribas, are believed to have been assimilated or forced northwards as far as Bintulu by the Ibans. The Ukits were also believed to have been nearly wiped out by the Ibans.

The Ibans started moving to areas in what is today's Sarawak around the 15th century. After an initial phase of colonising and settling the river valleys, displacing or absorbing the local tribes, a phase of internecine warfare began. Local leaders were forced to resist the tax collectors of the sultans of Brunei. At the same time, Malay influence was felt, and Iban leaders began to be known by Malay titles such as Datu (Datuk), Nakhoda and Orang Kaya.

In later years, the Iban encountered the Bajau and Illanun, coming in galleys from the Philippines. These were seafaring tribes who came plundering throughout Borneo. However, the Ibans feared no tribe, and fought the Bajaus and Illanuns. One famous Iban legendary figure known as Lebor Menoa from Entanak, near modern-day Betong, fought and successfully defeated the Bajaus and Illanuns. It is likely that the Ibans learned seafaring skills from the Bajau and the Illanun, using these skills to plunder other tribes living in coastal areas, such as the Melanaus and the Selakos. This is evident with the existence of the seldom-used Iban boat with sail, called the bandung. This may also be one of the reasons James Brooke, who arrived in Sarawak around 1838, called the Ibans Sea Dayaks. For more than a century, the Ibans were known as Sea Dayaks to Westerners.

*source www.enotes.com

Pirates of the Saribas

Who really were the pirates – the Rajah Brooke’s men or the fearsome natives of Saribas and Skrang? History books paint the Brookes as the good guys because they were the government while the other faction was made out to be the bad guys. But could it be that the natives, described as pirates were simply a bunch of patriotic souls trying to free their homeland from the clutches of the whites? Whether the so-called pirates of Skrang and Saribas are really pirates is an issue for historians to determine. The war basically came about because the Brookes were eager to expand their territories and the warriors of Skrang and Saribas were seen as a threat to their ambitions. It is possible that the natives were merely defending their territory against invasion by the Brookes. The fierce battle as a historic moment in the annals of Sarawak because its outcome determined who was in control of the State.
The bloody Battle of Beting Maro between the Rajah’s forces and the so-called pirates took place on July 31, 1849. On July 24 of that year, an expedition led by Rajah James Brooke comprising three steamers, seven men of war and 18 war canoes set sail from Kuching to ambush a fleet of Saribas and Skrang natives. They had heard that the natives had left Saribas two days earlier and headed north. The Rajah’s invading forces were determined to intercept the natives on their return. The British sailors were promised a bounty of 20 pounds for every pirate killed. On the evening of July 31, sentinel boats signaled the return of the natives, who fell into the trap. The ensuing battle lasted about five hours. Both sides shot at each other with guns and rockets. By midnight, everything was over, but a few native leaders managed to escape up the Saribas amidst the confusion. A few days later, the Rajah’s forces in a mopping up operation, burnt and destroyed longhouses and homes of the pirates on the Saribas river.
Acoording to the Rajah’s estimates, 300 “pirates” were killed out of 3,700 at the battle. Five hundred more died later of wounds, either trying to walk home or at the hands of the Rajah’s Iban allies. The Admiralty Court in Singapore later concluded that 2,140 “pirates” manning 88 boats took part in the battle of whom 500 were killed. The court awarded 20,700 pounds in bounty – 10,000 pounds for 500 pirates “destroyed” at 20 pounds per head, and 2,140 pirates “dispersed” at 5 pounds per head.

Augustine Anggat Ganjing: Basic Iban Design

The Ibans are one of the indigenous tribes of Borneo, one of
the Holy Lands for Tribal Tattoo devotees. If you are into Bor-
neo style tribal tattooing, I can wholeheartedly recommend a
visit to those shores: beautiful place, very nice people, and in
my experience nothing but positive reactions towards heavily
tattooed persons.

Ganjing's book has by many tattoo artists been labelled the
"Bible of Iban (Tattoo) Design". Very likely that this is true:
the subject is not widely written about in the first place.

"Basic Iban Design" does in its introduction recount the story
of how tattooing first arrived on the island of Borneo, but
only a small part of the book is specifically on Iban tattoo de-
signs. Though all the fabric, pottery, etc. patterns are defini-
tely more than just a little helpful in learning to understand
Iban Tattoo design, and one can easily see how they corre-
late to traditional Borneo tattooing; and vice versa.

Without a doubt, "Basic Iban Design" is a must-have for all
of you tribal tattoo aficionados out there.

This is, btw, one of the exclusive tattoo books that I carry.
I have so far not found "Basic Iban Design" anywhere but
in Borneo (not even on Malaysian Mainland; where in many
parts tattoos are usually frowned upon anyways).

Borneoheadhunters Tattoo Studio

The first tattoo studio in Malaysia that provides world class and professional standard tattooing service, was founded in Kuching Sarawak in 1998. Borneo Headhunters Tattoo and Piercing Studio aims to promote the rich traditional art form of tattooing which has been an integral part of the Iban community for centuries. Tattoos played a very significant role in the lives of Ibans back then. Tattoos connected the living to the spiritual world and they were used to mark men's success in headhunting. For the womenfolk, their prowess in weaving and dancing was rewarded with befitting tattoos. Tattoos also helped ward off evil and disease. Ever since its conception, the studio has achieved many firsts for its founder, Ernesto Kalum. Its list of achievements and awards are listed below.

Achievements
1. Tattooing since 1992(bootleg); then professionally since 1998.
2. Invited to do a guest spot in England for a year in 1998 at one of the top tattoo studios in England.
3. Invited in 1999 to one of the most prestigious tattoo conventions in the world in Lausanne, Switzerland.
4. Organised an International Tattoo Convention in homeground Sarawak for the first time ever in South East Asia in May 2002 - "The 1st International Borneo Tattoo Convention, 1-5th May 2002".
5. Entered into the Sarawak Book of Records.
6. Won two H.R. Giger Awards for the Best Tribal Tattoo Category and Respect to the Culture Award in Lausanne, Switzerland in October 2001.
7. Being featured in National Geographic television as a subject in tattooing culture in the series "Taboo" in February 2003 and other television channels from countries such as Canada, England, France, German, Netherlands, Switzerland and USA.
8. Featured in the French magazine "Illustre" (Titled "Les Tatoueures De Borneo", Issue: No.43, 24th October 2001) and other magazines such as Malaysian Tatler and Tattoo Magazines.
9. Chosen as the tattoo and design advisor for The New Line Cinema film production "Sleeping Dictionary", directed by Guy Jenkins and starring Jessica Alba and Hugh Dancy.
10. Produced and managed Jerry Kamit's album "Semampai Sayau... Flora". On the 27th of March 2004, Jerry was awarded with two Honorable Awards at the Iban Music Awards (AJJAR) for the Most Popular Song and Best Vocal.

Awards
1.
1999 The 3rd Best of the Day during The 5th International Lausanne Tattoo Convention in Lausanne, Switzerland.
2.
1999
Respect Prize during The 5th International Lausanne Tattoo Convention in Lausanne, Switzerland.
3.
2001
Best Tribal 1st Prize during The 1st Annual Massachusetts Tattoo Festival in Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
4.
2001
Best Tribal 2nd Prize during The 1st Annual Massachusetts Tattoo Festival in Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
5.
2002
H.R.Giger Award 1st Prize during The 6th Lausanne International Tattoo Show in Lausanne, Switzerland.
6.
2002
H.R.Giger Award for the Respect to the Culture during The 6th Lausanne International Tattoo Show in Lausanne, Switzerland.
7.
2002
Best Celtic/Tribal 1st Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.
8.
2002
Best Celtic/Tribal 2nd Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.
9.
2002
Best Tribal 1st Prize during the Tattoo The Earth in Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.
10.
2002
Best Tribal 2nd Prize during the Tattoo The Earth in Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A.
11.
2002
Best Tribal 2nd Prize during the Tattoo The Earth in Oakland, California, U.S.A.
12.
2002
Best Tribal 1st Prize during the Atlanta Tattoo Fest in Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.A.
13.
2002
Best Traditional 1st Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.
14.
2002
Best Traditional 2nd Prize during the Northern Ink Exposure in Toronto, Canada.

Borneoartifact

About Borneoartifact
Borneoartifact has built over twenty-five years of experience and source of the best discernable selections of Borneo ethnic crafts. Any recommended object you can find in borneoartifact.com is collectible for its special features, exceptional quality, uniqueness, creativity, expressive style, limited production, rarity and objects of rare or extraordinary ritual or sacred purposes. It takes very conscious pursuit with the best sources, to be able to get in touch with these collections.

Our creative design, products and art are represented worldwide through exhibitions for 25 years. Collectibles, artifacts, and important collections plus top quality pieces are strongly represented in various countries throughout the world. Collectors, architects, diplomats, designers, galleries, art professors, businessmen, hoteliers, resort management, consultants, companies, young professionals and inspired home makers as well as boutique fashion houses who have been enthusiasts in the quest had collected borneoartifact`s signature collections. Collecting is a wave as it has always been, and continues to be so because of the value and beauty in such collectibles.

*http://www.borneoartifact.com/

What did the Iban headhunters on Borneo do with their trophies?

No surprise; they did what the winners of any competition do: took their trophies home and showed them to their wife or mother. And the women on Borneo did just as proud wives and mothers of Olympic gold medalists do—or those of a member of the team that won the FIFA World Cup. As an eyewitness report in The Pagan Tribes of Borneo (1912) explains in the chapter titled “War”:

“In the course of the feasting the women usually take temporary possession of the heads, and perform with them a wild, uncouth dance, waving the heads to and fro, and chanting in imitation of the men’s war-song.”

The “wild, uncouth dancing” and “chanting in imitation of the men’s war-song” may have milder, modern interpretations, but sports champions these days have not been in a life-or-death competition. Also, modern champions and their women do not have a cultural tradition for celebrating victory, as the Iban did.

The Iban women wove a ceremonial, multicolored textile called “pua kumba” that was used for lifecycle events, also for “receipt of an important item to a longhouse”, as one website discreetly explains. The Iban warriors did not fly home and straight into their loved one’s arms with their trophies. For a few days, they camped within earshot and the trophies would be smoked and dried, the hair combed. When they then did return home, it was important that the pua kumba was properly place on the tray held by the woman to receive the trophy (or trophies) so that it/they touched the most potent motif of the pattern.

Iban women are still weaving pua kumba, a warp ikat textile, but it is assumed that they are no longer used to receive captured heads.

Rafflesia

The largest flower in the world,reaching a diameter of about three feet,Rafflesia is found in forests in the Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak. Seven out of fifteen species worldwide of Rafflesia can be found in Malaysia.
Because the Rafflesia flower is located in specific areas, and little is know about its methods for pollination and seed dispersal, it is difficult to find conservation methods. Residents in Malaysia are encouraged to save the flowers on their private property, and are encouraged to charge small entrance fees to see the flower. This little income goes a long way in conserving the flowers. In peninsular Malaysia, flower buds are sold as traditional medicines. These buds are seen as a sign of fertility, and are given to help mothers recover after birth. The over collection of these buds has not helped with conservation efforts, and has drastically reduced the number of Rafflesia in the wild.
All of these factors lead to decreasing numbers of Rafflesia. Many species of Rafflesia are vulnerable to deforestation and development, and as populations grow, Rafflesia becomes more threatened.
In Sarawak,Rafflesia can be found in Gunung Gading in Lundu,not far from Kuching,the capital city of Sarawak.
In Sabah, the flower and host vine Tetrastigma are protected under the state's Wildlife Conservation Enactment of 1997. In 2002, 44 of 83 Rafflesia found in the area were outside of designated conservation places. The beginning stages of conservation call for finding, monitoring and protecting the flowers that appear. Conservationists are hoping that complete habitat protection will come, but there is no sign of complete habitat protection in the near future.

Traditional Iban food

The Iban tribe are from Sarawak, Borneo. Their traditional foods are called Pansuh food, which simply means the cooking of food or dish in a bamboo stem. It's naturally clean, easy and simple. The food (meat, chicken, fish, vegetables and even rice together with the spices) will all be put together into the bamboo stem, then directly placed over an open fire to be cooked. The uniqueness of using the bamboo stem to cook is that the bamboo will give a special aroma and texture to the food where it's impossible to have using other methods such as using woks.

Since they settled in the Malaysian state of Sarawak over 400 years ago, the Iban have made the surrounding rainforest their supermarket and hardware store, tapping the tremendous variety of plants, animals and raw materials for their food, medicines, dwellings and rituals.

Sarawak’s forests and rivers largely influence the lives of the indigenous people, who have a history of being very reliant upon the forest for food and medicines, as well as much of their building materials. Their forebears lived in or at the forest fringe, usually along rivers, fishing, hunting and foraging for food.

Forest ferns have a special place in the diet of the people, with the two most popular ferns used as vegetables being midin and the fiddlehead fern (pucuk paku). Midin grows wild in the secondary forests and is peculiar to the state. It has curly fronds and is very crunchy even after it has been cooked. Rural dwellers have always considered the fern a tasty, nutritious vegetable and the jungle fern’s rise from rural staple to urban gourmet green occurred in the 1980s with the increased urban migration of the Iban. Aromatic leaves from trees, such as the Bungkang, are also used in cooking to flavour food.

The Iban still live by the river and forest fringe, and cook over open fires using implements fashioned from Nature. Commonly found in the forests, the hardy bamboo is an essential cooking utensil. Rice, meat, fish and vegetables are stuffed into bamboo logs and stand in wood fires to cook, the bamboo infusing the food with a fresh aroma.

One of the best known Iban dishes is pansoh manok (ayam pansuh), which features chicken and lemongrass cooked in a bamboo log over an open fire. This natural way of cooking seals in the flavours and produces astonishingly tender chicken with a gravy perfumed with lemongrass and bamboo.

A visit to the longhouse will usually see guests welcomed with a glass of tuak, a home-brewed rice wine. The brew has a sweet fragrance and is highly alcoholic – a small glass is enough to send the unaccustomed to euphoric heights.

The numerous riverine areas of Sarawak provide the state’s inhabitants with abundant fresh water fish, with the Tilapia being the most widely cultivated. There are sago grubs, bamboo clams and temilok (marine worms) to try. The bright yellow, round eggplants and turmeric flowers are also found in Iban foods

headhunting

The history of the Iban is committed to memory and recorded in a system of writing on boards (papan turai) by the initiated shamans (lemambang). Elaborate genealogies go back to 15 generations or more with a surprising degree of accuracy. Some genealogies are as long as 25 generations and can still be connected with actual places and incidents. A genealogy (tusut) normally begins with the most remote ancestor and is a list of who married and begat whom. Sometimes, the ancestors are characterised in short descriptions. Other songs contain historical information as well, for example the pengap, a ritual chant sung during each major festival, that recounts deities and the deeds of the ancestors. According to oral histories, the Iban arrived in western Sarawak from Indonesia about 1675. After an initial phase of colonising and settling the river valleys, displacing or absorbing the local populations of Bukitans and Serus, a phase of internecine warfare began. Local leaders were forced to resist the tax collectors of the Malay sultans (Brunei). At the same time, Malay influence is felt, and Iban leaders begin to be known by Malay titles like Orang Kaya. Several of the Malays active on the river-estuaries claimed to be descendants of the prophet, like Indra Lela, Sharif Japar and Sharif Sahap. Sharif Ahmit was killed by the Iban. The Bajau and Illanun, coming in galleys from the Philippines plundered in Borneo and were fought by the Iban, for example by the famous Lebor Menoa from Entanak near modern Betong. Oral history recounts how Lebor Menoa encountered Chinese traders who came in ships to the Saribas in order to sell cooking pots, brass pots, pottery bowls, shell armlets and cowry shells for padi. Besides that, the Ibans were also engaged with the Orang Ulu of northern Sarawak, the Bidayuh of southern Sarawak, the Kantu and other Indonesian ethnic tribes from eastern Sarawak. They managed to control the eastern coastline of Sarawak. The Malay leader Indra Lela, brother of Lela Wangsa of Lingga and Lela Pelawan incited the Saribas and Skrang Ibans to warfare against the Sebuyau Dayaks in order to control them. The Saribas were led by Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana of the Padeh, in alliance with Linggir of Paku (Mali Lebu), Bunyau of Entanak and Bulan of Ulu Layar. The Skrang were led by Rentap (Libau), Orang Kaya Gasing and Orang Kaya Ra. About 1834, the Skrang made a raid on Banting Hill, inhabited by Balau Dayaks and Malays, who suffered heavy losses. Three years later, Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana made war on the Undup Ibans who had killed his brother, and utterly defeated them, taking many captives and looting a famous guchi jar that was thought to have magical properties. The surviving Undup Ibans took refuge in the Kapuas valley and Lingga and later settled in the area of Salimbau. Only under the rule of Brooke did they return to Banting hill, which had meanwhile been settled by the Skrang.

The Dayak Cultural Foundation's Ethnic Orchestra.

Some Notes on the Traditional Dances of Sarawak, Sarawak Museum Journal 34-35 (New Series), p. 163-201.
COPYRIGHT 2001 Borneo Research Council, Inc
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2001, Gale Group. All rights reserved. Gale Group is a Thomson Corporation Company.

In November 1999, when I first came to Sarawak, I found that the three officially recognized Dayak communities: Bidayuh, Iban, and Orang Ulu Orang Ulu ("remote people") is an ethnic designation politically coined to group together roughly 27 very small but ethnically diverse tribal groups in Sarawak, with a population ranging from less than 300 persons to over 25,000 persons. , each had its own cultural organization in the modem state capitol, Kuching. (1) Moreover, in 1992, the three communities joined forces in the Dayak Cultural Foundation with the object "to receive and administer funds for cultural, educational, scientific and charitable purposes, and for public welfare." (2) Since the beginning of 2000, the Dayak Cultural Foundation headquarters have been located in the Tun TUN, measure. A vessel of wine or oil, containing four hogsheads. Jugah Tower, a new high-rise building high-rise building

Multistory building taller than the maximum height people are willing to walk up, thus requiring vertical mechanical transportation. The introduction of safe passenger elevators made practical the erection of buildings more than four or five stories tall. in the business area, which also houses the Tun Jugah Foundation, a non-profit Iban cultural heritage foundation. In accordance with its objectives, the DCF DCF

See: Discounted Cash Flows aims to preserve cultural traditions, and one of the ways it does so is by organizing courses in Dayak dance and music. The set-up of these courses fits within the framework of the three officially recognized Dayak communities, so that each community has an appointed time for weekly instruction and group practice in the Foundation's spacious dance studio and music rooms. Special sets of costumes and musical instruments, selected according to according to
prep.
1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.

2. In keeping with: according to instructions.

3. what is considered characteristic for each community, are stored and available here. Iban and Bidayuh groups have ensembles of gongs and drums to accompany dances; the Iban have several long barrel drums Barrel drums are a class of membranophone, or drum, characterized by a barrel-shape with a bulge in the middle. They are often one-headed and open at the bottom. Examples include the Vietnamese trong chau and the bendre of the Mossi of Burkina Faso. (gendang) (3) and a gong gong, percussion instrument consisting of a disk, usually with upturned edges, 3 ft (91 cm) or more in diameter in the modern orchestra, often made of bronze, and struck with a felt- or leather-covered mallet or drumstick. ensemble consisting of a set of eight small bossed gongs resting on strings (engkrumong), deep-rimmed tawak gongs with a prominent boss, and single-bossed gongs suspended by a rope or chain (bebendai/chanang). The Bidayuh have long wooden drums originally used in headhunting headhunting

Practice of removing, displaying, and in some cases preserving human heads. Headhunting arises in some cultures from a belief in the existence of a more or less material soul that resides in the head. rituals (sebbang), a wooden xylophone xylophone (zī`ləfōn) [Gr.,=wood sound], musical instrument having graduated wooden slabs that are struck by the player with small, hard mallets. The slabs are usually arranged like a keyboard, and the range varies from two to four octaves. (gulintang), and a set of suspended gongs of various sizes, large, wide agung and smaller bebendai. The Orang Ulu group mainly uses the plucked pluck
v. plucked, pluck·ing, plucks

v.tr.
1. To remove or detach by grasping and pulling abruptly with the fingers; pick: pluck a flower; pluck feathers from a chicken. lute lute, musical instrument that has a half-pear-shaped body, a fretted neck, and a variable number of strings, which are plucked with the fingers. The long lute, with its neck much longer than its body, seems to have been older than the short lute, existing very early (sape), originally a two-stringed, three-fretted instrument used in rituals associated with healing ceremonies (Langub 1997:177). (4) The present three- or four-stringed, multi-fretted sape is either played as a solo instrument or combined with another sape, and/or a wooden xylophone (tuvung lutang/jatung utog). Other instruments, such as bamboo flutes Flutes made of bamboo are found in many musical traditions.

Some bamboo flutes include:

* Atenteben (Ghana)
* Bansuri (India)
* Dizi (China)
* Daegeum (Korea)
* Dangjeok (Korea)
* Danso (Korea)
* Hocchiku (Japan)
* Jeok (Korea)
* Junggeum (Korea)
*

and the tube-zither (satong), bamboo stamping-poles (tongkat), and mouth organs mouth organ: see harmonica (1.) (keluri/engkrurai), are used by more than one group. (5)

Music and dance practices are usually held separately, in the evening or during the weekend. Students tend to join a music or dance practice group (some study both music and dance) which corresponds with their tribal background--a child of Iban descent will frequently be put into an Iban dance or music group by its parents--indicating that for many students these practices function to support one's tribal identity. Yet, there are people who are keen to learn another style beyond their own, and join different groups. Each of the three main communities has a DCF dance company consisting of young adults who have successfully passed the basic course and must regularly attend practices in order to maintain a repertoire of group dances for public performance.

In accordance with its location in the state capitol, the music and dances practiced at the DCF express group identity at the state level. They remain confined within the framework of one of the three officially recognized Dayak communities and conform to Verb 1. conform to - satisfy a condition or restriction; "Does this paper meet the requirements for the degree?"
fit, meet

coordinate - be co-ordinated; "These activities coordinate well" state-developed standards of beauty and appropriateness. (6) Improvised im·pro·vise
v. im·pro·vised, im·pro·vis·ing, im·pro·vis·es

v.tr.
1. To invent, compose, or perform with little or no preparation.

2. dancing in an individual style, as is common in the longhouse longhouse

Traditional communal dwelling of the Iroquois Indians until the 19th century. The longhouse was a rectangular box built out of poles, with doors at each end and saplings stretched over the top to form the roof, the whole structure being covered with bark. , is replaced by uniform movement in orchestrated or·ches·trate
tr.v. or·ches·trat·ed, or·ches·trat·ing, or·ches·trates
1. To compose or arrange (music) for performance by an orchestra.

2. group compositions in three specific styles, created to express either Iban, Bidayuh, or Orang Ulu identity. Male and female dancers wear different costumes, basically, a selection of what is traditional festive dress in various Dayak communities. In addition, contrasts between the sexes are stressed by giving them characteristic movement patterns. This is most evident when groups of male and female dancers are combined, for which the DCF choreographers This is a list of choreographers A

* Paula Abdul
* Alvin Ailey
* Richard Alston
* Robert Alton
* Gerald Arpino
* Frederick Ashton
* Fred Astaire
* Lea Anderson

B

* Jean Babilée
* George Balanchine
*


faultless·ly adv. execution of--more or less complex--spatial patterns and uniform movement sty les, a period of preparation with group-drill is required, resulting in the smooth execution of previously fixed patterns. However, the DCF policy is in the first place, to preserve traditional culture, therefore dance and music teachers try to maintain whatever they have learned of the traditional arts, which has often been acquired in a longhouse setting. (7)

At the same time, there is also a demand for the production of new, large-scale compositions for important social occasions, the main one being the annual State Gawai Dayak Gawai Day or Gawai Dayak, a festival celebrated in Sarawak on 1 June every year is both a religious and social occasion. The word Gawai means a ritual or festival whereas Dayak celebration. This recently-created Dayak national holiday, (8) celebrated annually on 1st June in a ballroom of one of the largest international hotels in Kuching, is attended by the most important state dignitaries. As an important state ceremony, it provides a major incentive for dance and music practice, as each of the three main Dayak communities must, on that occasion, display a great spectacle in a characteristic style.

Julia Chong and the foundation of the Ethnic Orchestra

One of the few musical experts in Kuching involved both theoretically and practically with the development of Dayak music was the late Datin Julia Chong, a Western-educated musician of Chinese background. (9) In an article published in the Sarawak Museum The Sarawak Museum is the oldest museum in Borneo. It was established in 1888 and opened in 1891 in a purpose-built building in Kuching, Sarawak. Sponsored by Charles Brooke, the second White Rajah of Sarawak, the establishment of the museum was strongly encouraged by Alfred Russel Journal entitled "Towards the integration of Sarawak traditional instruments into 20th century Malaysian music" (J. Chong 1989), she states that the folk music folk music: see folk song. folk music

Music held to be typical of a nation or ethnic group, known to all segments of its society, and preserved usually by oral tradition. Knowledge of the history and development of folk music is largely conjectural. of Sarawak lacks development in material and is too repetitive, so that "listening becomes uninteresting (jargon) uninteresting - 1. Said of a problem that, although nontrivial, can be solved simply by throwing sufficient resources at it.

2. Also said of problems for which a solution would neither advance the state of the art nor be fun to design and code. ."

Taking as an example the Hungarian composer Bela Bartok Noun 1. Bela Bartok - Hungarian composer and pianist who collected Hungarian folk music; in 1940 he moved to the United States (1881-1945)
Bartok , she suggests that Sarawak composers "should attempt to produce musical works for the chamber orchestra Noun 1. chamber orchestra - small orchestra; usually plays classical music
orchestra - a musical organization consisting of a group of instrumentalists including string players and score according to the potentials of the individual traditional instruments." In forming such a chamber orchestra, one has to "group the strings, woodwinds and percussions with care so that they will be balanced."

But Julia Chong was not only interested in modernizing Dayak music, also, as she writes: "the folk music of the natives of Sarawak will be distorted to a certain extent because it is based on oral tradition," and therefore "efforts must be made to notate no·tate
tr.v. no·tat·ed, no·tat·ing, no·tates
To put into notation.


[Back-formation from notation.]

Verb 1. them." Moreover, she advises recording and publishing the technique of playing the different instruments, "so that generations that follow will master them correctly," and, "not only the proper way is learned but it can reach thousands of people" (J. Chong 1989:126).

In the following years, Julia Chong had the opportunity to realize her dream in cooperation with the staff and musicians of the Dayak Cultural Foundation. According to DCF records, the first ensemble of Dayak musical instruments was formed in 1997 for a workshop on Iban traditional music, dance costumes, and songs organized jointly by the DCF and the Sarawak Museum. On this occasion a group of children performed Julia Chong's composition, "The Sound of Sarawak." The musical instruments played were: tawak and bebendai gongs, two sets of engkerumung gongs, seven long drums Long drums are a loose category of tubular membranophones, characterized by their extreme length. They are most common in Africa and in Native American traditions. Long drums can be made out of entire tree trunks. Reference

* 534m Membranophones. SIL.

(gendang panjai/ketebung), and nine mouth-organs (engkerurai), plus eight stamping-poles (tongkat gurong). All are considered Iban instruments. (10) After this, Julia Chong continued teaching Dayak orchestral music to staff and students at the DCF.

In November 1999, when I visited the class, I saw a variety of instruments being used: seven mouth-organs (engkrurai), three short-necked lutes (sape), some one- and two-stringed fiddles (serunai or terunjang). Instruction was given in a classroom; the group was instructed from the front, and conducted in a Western manner, with the help of music notation written on the blackboard.

Since its first performance, the Dayak Ethnic Orchestra has developed from a small chamber ensemble into a large orchestra in which mature, as well as young musicians play a variety of instruments. Thus, the ethnic orchestra depicted in Julia Chong's publication on traditional musical instruments of Sarawak includes, besides an Iban ensemble, a number of different instruments from the three main Dayak communities: four Bidayuh hanging gongs and a long wooden drum (sebbang), a cylindrical drum Cylindrical drums are a category of drum instruments that include a wide range of implementations, including the bass drum and the Iranian dohol. Cylindrical drums are generally two-headed and straight-sided, and sometimes use a buzzing, percussive string. (dumbak), bamboo flutes and tube-zither (satong), stamping-poles (tongkat), as well as wooden shakers Shakers, popular name for members of the United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing, also called the Millennial Church. Members of the movement, who received their name from the trembling produced by religious emotion, were also known as Alethians. (gurong).

As I took a keen interest in this unique orchestra, I was invited by Julia Chong to cooperate with her in preparing a concert for the official launching of the Dayak Cultural Foundation's Ethnic Orchestra. The concert was offered by the DCF on 13 July to the participants in the Sixth Biennial biennial, plant requiring two years to complete its life cycle, as distinguished from an annual or a perennial. In the first year a biennial usually produces a rosette of leaves (e.g., the cabbage) and a fleshy root, which acts as a food reserve over the winter. Conference of the Borneo Research Council. For Julia Chong and the artists, this was a fine opportunity to present the Dayak orchestra to an international audience.

In consultation with the directors of the DCF, a concert of fifty minutes was agreed upon Adj. 1. agreed upon - constituted or contracted by stipulation or agreement; "stipulatory obligations"
stipulatory

noncontroversial, uncontroversial - not likely to arouse controversy , comprising compositions based on traditional music of the various Dayak communities. The concert program, entitled "Sounds of Borneo," consisted of the following four pieces:

1. The Sound of Sarawak--for full orchestra,

2. Prunchong--for bamboo instrumental group,

3. Jungle Sounds of Borneo--for ensemble of bird-whistles, and

4. Liling merry-making--for full orchestra.

The pieces differed in composition and structure: in the first and fourth pieces, instruments of the three main communities were combined to form a large orchestra of drums and gongs, with strings as well as woodwind instruments woodwind instrument: see wind instrument. woodwind instrument

Any musical wind instrument that produces sound by either directing a stream of air against the edge of a hole or by making a reed or a double reed vibrate (see reed instrument). . They played in novel arrangements created by Julia Chong, in cooperation with the DCF artists and the author of this article, who was responsible for the choreographic arrangements.

The Sound of Sarawak

As there was not much time for preparation, we started working on musical pieces which had been practiced before. The ensemble of the piece, The Sound of Sarawak, originally consisted of Iban instruments, but was extended with Bidayuh gulintang, drums and gongs. The revised structure of the score (11) was divided into three parts: the first part had predominantly loud percussion instruments This is a list of percussion instruments. Tuned percussion

* antique cymbals
* celesta
* chimes (a.k.a. tubular bells)
* clavinet
* crotales
* Gong
* glass harmonica
* hammered dulcimer
* handbells
* lithophone
* marimba
* marimbaphone
*

and gongs, entering one-by-one first, then merging into an ensemble. The softer second part had a group of four mouth-organs (engkerurai), followed by a solo on the one-stringed fiddle (serunai). A group of five men with bamboo stamping-poles (tongkat) made the connection to the third part or finale in which all the instruments played together.

While the basic rhythms and playing styles of the various instruments were maintained, initially much time was spent working on elements such as phrasing, dynamics and tone production. (12) Predictable problems arose when instruments were combined which did not usually play together, such as mouth-organs, wooden xylophone, drums and gongs. Mouth-organs were especially problematic, as these are basically solo-instruments and are not tuned to play with other instruments. Moreover, changes in dynamics, to which most musicians were not accustomed, such as variations in loudness, and speeding up or slowing down the tempo, were difficult to coordinate. While the musical pieces were taking shape, Julia Chong requested me to make them more interesting by adding choreographies, corresponding to traditional performance practices in which dancing is supported by music.

Since I intended the choreography to mirror the structure of the music and to parallel the combination of instruments in the orchestra, traditional choreographic patterns were maintained. The character of the piece was dominated by the strong sound of gong and drum ensembles, not surprising since it originated from a composition for strong Iban instruments. Therefore I selected three male dancers, one from each of the three communities, who should use their own warrior's dance style in a danced combat scene. The confrontation, situated in the jungle, was dissolved through the entrance of a magnificent Iban masked dancer representing the spirit "Antu Guruk." This enchanting en·chant·ing
adj.
Having the power to enchant; charming: enchanting music.


en·chanting·ly adv. mask pacified the warriors and conducted them into a harmonious line-dance, similar to a group of bards marching around and beating rhythms with their stamping-poles.

Liling-merry making

The second large orchestral composition, Liling-merry making, was based on a popular long-dance song (belian dadu) from the Kenyah community, Liling, "to turn around," documented in a publication of Kenyah songs by the composer's daughter (Chong Pek Lin 1998). In a study of vocal performance traditions of the Kenyah Lepo' Tau people of Sarawak, Gorlinski explained that "the word dadu (long) refers to "the particular dance context (tu'ut dadu) for which these songs were intended" (Gorlinski 1995: 226). In the longhouse this type of song is sung by the whole community while performing a simple line-dance proceeding counter-clockwise along the verandah, usually as an opening for a major dance event. The basic step of tu'ut dadu, which is characterized by Chong Pek Lin as "the simplest version of the group dances," consists of a step and a shuffle (Chong Pek Lin 1998:23). The song is started by a solo singer, with the other participants joining in on the second or third lines and in the chorus. The turning of the dancers may have connotations of wardancing (Chong Pek Lin 1998:39-41). (13)

The orchestral piece had a strong rhythmic opening played on a set of Bidayuh sebbang that were struck with wooden rods. While these large drums had to remain in a fixed place, the next group of musicians came marching in Marching In is a science fiction short story by Isaac Asimov. The story was written at the request of the US publication 'High Fidelity', with the stipulation that it be 2,500 words long, set twenty-five years in the future and deal with an aspect of sound recording. from the side: beating in unison on their Iban gendang, they stepped in a circle around the dance floor before they came to a halt in front of the platform. As the melodic theme was gently introduced by the two sape players, supported by soft drum beats A drum beat, a beat on a drum, is any single strike on a single drum, drum machine, or a series of beats on various percussion instruments creating a rhythmic or metric pattern. Many drum beats define or are characteristic of specific music genres. , a group of dancers made their first entrance and danced one round. The dance was followed by alternating instrumental groups and solo-parts. In line with the character of the long-dance song, a group of four musicians playing the mouth-organs came in, walking in a circle.

For the conclusion of the piece, all musicians played together, led by the expert sape musician, Henry Anyie, who also sang the solo-lines of the well-known Kenyah lyric:

alam ini telu tuyang pemung jaiee,
Pemung jaiee tawai uyan.
Tonight, my friends, we gather together,
We gather together and recall the old times (Chong Pek Lin 1998:40).




The traditional line dance was performed by a mixed group of dancers from all three communities led by a beautiful young Orang Ulu dancer. While joining in the chorus lines, the dancers performed the traditional long-dance step with the turning variations, accompanied by the full orchestra. (14)

Prunchong and Jungle Sounds of Borneo

In alternation alternation /al·ter·na·tion/ (awl?ter-na´shun) the regular succession of two opposing or different events in turn.
alternation of generations metagenesis. with the orchestral compositions for percussion, wind and string instruments This is a list of string instruments categorized according to the technique used to produce sound, followed by a list of string instruments grouped by country or region of origin. , two pieces were performed by a small ensemble using mainly one type of instrument. The traditional Bidayuh prunchong, a set of tuned bamboo tubes hit with a rod, was played by a group of eight male musicians moving around in the semcircular dance space while striking various traditional rhythms. According to the Bidayuh musicians, this type of music was mainly performed during agricultural ceremonies.

Jungle Sounds was a completely new creation, played on various types of bird whistles (binchiu) imitating bird calls. These were combined with sets of snail shells (Zool.) the shell of snail.

See also: Snail (tegalerg) imitating the sound of croaking frogs, as well as coconut shells and wood-shakers (gurong). The idea behind the piece was the waking up of the animals in the forest, heralded by various birds and developing into midday concerts of frogs and other animals, then fading into a sunset scene with the sweet sound of the sape played by a young man wandering alone in the forest. The idea for this piece came from the Bidayuh musician Gerald Oscar Sindon who made most of the instruments, helped by the Iban instructor, Ubang Kendawang. A number of mature artists, including Julia Chong and the author, cooperated in creating this new piece. As all insisted that I should also participate in the performance, I gladly accepted a part in the happy croaking of the frogs.

On Thursday, 13th July, the period of hard and intensive training culminated in a spirited performance at the Poolside pool·side
n.
The area next to or around a swimming pool. Reception Area of the Holiday Inn Hotel for the members of the Borneo 2000 Conference. Special guests included Tan Sri Datuk Amar Dr. Alfred Jabu anak Numpang and Datuk Amar Dr. Leonard Linggi Jugab and the Board of Trustees board of trustees Politics The posse of thugs who oversee an institution's administration. See Board of directors.
..... Click the link for more information. of the Dayak Cultural Foundation. The artists, a group of approximately thirty musicians and dancers, received warm applause from the audience, many of whom joined in the round dance of Liling. Local newspapers reported the event, and performers and members of the audience asked for more such concerts in the future.

Conclusion

The Dayak Cultural Foundations Ethnic Orchestra provides an excellent example of "modernization" in the sense of incorporating Western influence into originally Dayak music and dance. Some people may feel that this leads to "hybridity" in these Dayak art forms, or perhaps the term "syncretism syn·cre·tism
n.
1. Reconciliation or fusion of differing systems of belief, as in philosophy or religion, especially when success is partial or the result is heterogeneous.

2. " might be appropriate, in view of underlying religious implications. (15) To the author, it was an exciting experience to participate in creating the various musical items and choreographies. Although the novel combination of different tribal traditions did not seem to work in the beginning, after ten days of intensive rehearsals, the performance turned out very satisfactory and inspiring, not only to the performers, but also to an international audience.

The successful launching of the DCF Ethnic Orchestra proves that live performances of Dayak music and dance can play a significant social role, not only by adhering to well-known patterns, but also in creating new forms. Indeed, changes of form, structure, and content are only to be expected in a changing environment. Moreover, one should realize that live performances in longhouses are not necessarily static entities but variable events, capable of adapting to different circumstances, both in the present and the past. Accordingly, they often fit into more than one type of context, having entertainment value and also functioning to maintain social values or to support religious ceremonies. As these art forms are by nature flexible and adaptive, there is no need to fear their imminent disappearance.

(1.) My visits to Sarawak in November 1999 and May-August 2000 were kindly sponsored by Datuk Amar Dr. Linggi Jugah, Director of the Tun Jugah Foundation, and the Dayak Cultural Foundation in Kuching.

(2.) The Memorandum and Articles of Association, 30 December 1992, also states that it aims "to foster, develop and improve culture and education of all kinds."

(3.) There is some variation in musical and dance terminology. Names of instruments in this article are in accordance with the terms used in J. Chong's "Traditional Musical Instruments of Sarawak."

(4.) Matusky mentions that "the Kajang also use the sape in pairs, played only by men, to provide music to accompany dance and for certain shamanistic sha·man·ism
n.
1. The animistic religion of certain peoples of northern Asia in which mediation between the visible and spirit worlds is effected by shamans.

2. rituals" (Matusky 1986:189).

(5.) Patricia Matusky kindly explained that "the Iban engkerurai usually has quite long pipes, while the pipes on the keluri/keledi are shorter overall. The gourds are often similar in size and the number of pipes is the same among these. Because of the longer pipes, the Iban engkerurai will have a lower overall range. Also, the Iban instrument usually has an amplifier of sound (terubong) on top of the lowest pipe, which is usually decorated with bird feathers" (email communication).

(6.) It is, for example, considered inappropriate for male dancers at DCF public performances to leave part of the buttocks buttocks /but·tocks/ (but´oks) the two fleshy prominences formed by the gluteal muscles on the lower part of the back. uncovered, as is usually the case when wearing the loincloth loin·cloth
n.
A strip of cloth worn around the loins.

loincloth
Noun

a piece of cloth covering only the loins

Noun 1. in the traditional way.

(7.) Interview with DCF staff members, November 1999.

(8.) Spearheaded by Datuk Tra Zehnder, a former Iban Assemblywoman, see Boulanger 2000:50.

(9.) Sadly, the news of Julia Chong's sudden demise arrived shortly before the draft of this article was ready to be sent to her (see the Memorial section of this volume).

(10.) The use of the stamping-poles in Kajan communities during the ancient ngayau ceremony was described by Matusky in an article with musical notations musical notation, symbols used to make a written record of musical sounds.

Two different systems of letters were used to write down the instrumental and the vocal music of ancient Greece. In his five textbooks on music theory Boethius (c.A.D. 470–A.D. (Matusky 1986:193, 217-18).

(11.) The piece was based on a written score in accordance with the composer's concept that "the material should have local flavor based on traditional scale and rhythm" (...) "but the composed music should have correct forms" (Chong 1989:126).

(12.) The importance of these is emphasized in Julia Chong 1989:126.

(13.) Chong Pek Lin's publication on Kenyah songs cites a comment of Bishop Galvin (1962:510) that "the reference to turning around is symbolic of the young warrior looking to the right and left in search of the enemy" (Chong Pek Lin 1998:40). See also Seeler 1969:169: "each performer turned half about at every third step, the even numbers turning to one side, the odd numbers turning to the other alternately. All stamped together as they completed their turns at each third step. The turning to right and left symbolises the alert guarding of the heads which are supposed to be carried by the victorious warriors."

(14.) As described in Chong Pek Lin 1998:41

(15.) In her article on traditional dances of Sarawak, Seeler does make a distinction between dances which are part of a religious ceremony, and social dancing, but this is immediately modified to: "in these cultures the religious is usually intermingled with the social, and the dances reflect this" (Seeler 1969:163).

References

Boulanger, C. L.

2000

"On Dayak, Orang Ulu, Bidayuh and other Imperfect Ethnic catagories in Sarawak," Proceedings of the Sixth Biennial Borneo Research Council Conference, ed. Michael Leigh Michael Leigh is an artist, based in Cheshire, England and working mainly in the area of mail art. As well as working in his own name, he has produced work since 1980 as A1 Waste Paper Co. , pp. 44-66, Kota Samarahan: Universiti Malaysia Sarawak Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS) was officially incorporated on 24 December 1992. UNIMAS is the eighth University, established just after the declaration of Vision 2020.
..... Click the link for more information..

Chong, J.

1989

Towards the Integration of Sarawak Traditional Instruments into 20th Century Malaysian Music, Sarawak Museum Journal 61:125-130.

2000

Traditional Musical Instruments of Sarawak. Kuching: Jabatan Muzium Sarawak.

Chong, Pek Lin

1998

Folk Songs folk song, music of anonymous composition, transmitted orally. The theory that folk songs were originally group compositions has been modified in recent studies. of Sarawak. Vol. 1, Songs from the Kenyah Community. Kuching: Dayak Cultural Foundation.

Gorlinski, V. K.

1995

Songs of honor, words of respect: Social contours of Kenyah Lepo' Tau versification versification, principles of metrical practice in poetry. In different literatures poetic form is achieved in various ways; usually, however, a definite and predictable pattern is evident in the language. , Sarawak, Malaysia. PhD dissertation at the University of Wisconsin-Madison “University of Wisconsin” redirects here. For other uses, see University of Wisconsin (disambiguation).
A public, land-grant institution, UW-Madison offers a wide spectrum of liberal arts studies, professional programs, and student activities. .

Langub, Jayl

1997

Orang Ulu Music and Dance Workshop April 7-8, 1997, Kuching, Borneo Research Bulletin 28:177-184.

Matusky, P.

1986

Aspects of Musical Style among the Kajang, Kayan and Kenyah-Badang of the Upper Rejang River: A Preliminary Survey, Sarawak Museum Journal 57 (New Series), pp. 185-229.

Seeler, J.

1969

THE ETHNIC WAR IN SAMBAS - BORNEO

The Tragedy of Ambon: what did really happen? - Part 2

FROM:
Br. Peter C. Aman ofm
JPIC Coordinator of the Franciscan Province Indonesia.
Franciscan Province of Indonesia
Jln. Kramat V/10 – Jakarta 10430
Tel. (021) 3909941
Fax. (021) 3101940
E-Mail : kanizo@yahoo.com

THE ETHNIC WAR IN SAMBAS - BORNEO

Tears and blood were not dry yet in Ambon and we were shocked by the new episode of the ethnic war in Sambas, West Borneo (Kalimantan). I say a new episode of the war, because there occurred wars several times between Dayak people and Madura there; the new conflict occurred between Melayu people and Madura people in Sambas. The conflict involved the people of Dayak, Bugis and Chine which were united to support the Melayu people to attack the Madura people.

Personal conflict has become ethnic conflict or war
In its interesting to analyze the conflicts occurred in Indonesia in recent years. The conflict generally started by the personal conflict and quarrel but soon after that it became a racial, religious and ethnic conflict. According to some hypothesis there are some provocateurs who are intelligently provoke and manipulate a little case to become a great conflict, whether ethnic, racial or religious conflicts. Anyhow the conflict in Sambas has its own background. The people in Sambas or in West Borneo are consisted of the Dayak (native people), Melayu, Chinese, Madura, Bugis etc. These people came to West Borneo and live there for economic reasons, to get a better life. For many years there have occurred many conflicts between the Dayak people and Madura people. But the last conflict has become interesting because the Dayak are united with Melayu, Chinese and Bugis to attack Madura. Why?

This ethnic war was caused by personal conflicts. Here is the story: on January 7th 1999 Bujang Labik did not pay bus ticket and it made Rudi, a Melayu, angry. Then Bujang Labik accompanied by his groups attacked Rudi. At the same time Ibrahim a Maduran clashed with some people in Pemangkat Market and soon after that there were found 4 Maduran people died. On January 19th 1999 Madura people killed about 4 Melayu people. On January 23 there was a personal conflict between a Bugis man and Maduran, that is wahy the Bugis people supported Melayu. The Dayak people involved in the conflict because Martinus Amat, a Dayak man, was killed and his car was burnt.

The open war between Madura and the united group (Melayu, Dayak, Bugis and Cina, the Chinese was forced to involve) occurred bertween 16 – 25 of March 1999. The war took place in 13 different places in the County of Sambas, West Borneo. Hundreds died and injured. Thousands refuged and left Sambas to another places or forest around there. The victims and detriment are as following:
The victims:

Dayak


1 died

Melayu


12 died

Bugis


-

Madura


252 died

Chinese


-

Injured


47

Refugees


30.000

The detriments:

Houses


2330 burnt down

164 destroyed

Cars


4. burnt down

6 destroyed

Motorcycles


1 burnt down

9 destroyed

The root of the problems/conflict
I have describe a general background the contemporary problems and conflicts in Indonesia. The problems are rooted in the wrong political, economic and social policies in the era of the regime of Soeharto named Orde Baru. But I think it is important to note that the conflict in Sambas between the Maduran people and Dayak occurred several times in the past. I would like to write down some reasons of the conflicts which are rooted in the cultural misunderstanding or insulting: There are some great cultural differences between Madura and Dayak (and Melayu people). The Madura people always and everywhere bring their traditional gun named: carok. Whereas according to Dayak (culture) people, those who bring gun want to fight. The Maduran people, especially those who entered Borneo in 1980-s, seem arrogant and tend to be criminal. The Maduran people tend to force their own will and threaten the other people to fulfill their will. There are many cases that indicate how the Maduran take over the houses and lands of the inland people. The Dayak people accused the Maduran people neglect the agreement assigned in 1997.

But there are also some economic problems. The Madura people always work hard and they want to carry out whatever jobs if it brings money. Therefore economically they are getting better and sometimes it causes the social jealousy. Many works have been carried out by Maduran people, whereas the Melayu and Dayak people accused that the Maduran people has take over their jobs.

But some analysts say that the conflict of Sambas is a part of a great scenario of some "hidden" important people who want to cause to fail the next general election. They want to crate a national chaos. Some say that the conflicts are the manifestations of the dissatisfaction of Soeharto who was toppled down last year. He want to turn the national attention from the investigation of is corruptions and violations during his power to the racial and religious conflicts. Which is the right one?