BORNEO TATTOO

The earliest records we have of tattooing in Borneo are from the 19th century. The void before that is probably due to the fact that the interior of the island was considered dangerous territory and the inhabitants were greatly feared. The tribes inhabiting the coasts were better known but their tattoos weren’t very significant. Edwin Gomes, who worked for 17 years as a missionary teacher among the Iban (coastal people), wrote in this connection, “tattooing is practised by most of the Dayak (Iban or coastal Dayak) to a lesser or greater extent. It’s limited to the menfolk though, who often have small tattoos on the forehead, Adam’s apple, shoulders or chest”. It was only in the 19th century, when explorers and missionaries ventured up rivers into the interior, that the West caught a first glimpse of the Borneo tattoos we’re familiar with today. Most of these tattoos probably originated amongst the Kayan, a tribe in the interior belonging to one of the first peoples to settle in Borneo, a branch of the Karen, who inhabited the mountainous regions of Burma and northern Thailand. They are thought to have broken away from the original group to emigrate south towards Malaysia and Borneo around 800 years ago. So it may be that it was the Karen who brought tattooing to Borneo. Excluding aesthetic considerations, women and men in Borneo tattooed themselves for certain precise reasons. For men it was a symbol of virility, heroism, even cowardice (but only rarely). It was a means of identification in battle, a talisman warding off demons and diseases or boosting power, virility and prestige. For women it was primarily a mark of high social standing. It signified group solidarity and ensured them access to the world of the dead. The Kayan believed that a tattoo is like a “torch” in the world of spirits and that without it they would be engulfed in utter darkness. They believed that only tattooed women were able to bathe in the legendary Julan river and collect the pearls that lay on its bed, while the Biajau were convinced that in paradise tattoos turn into gold and take the place of clothing. There’s no doubt that tattooing was thought to confer great beauty. Young Kayan girls were probably comforted – while undergoing the torment of the tattooist’s needles – by the legend of the pheasant, which was believed to have been tattooed, at the dawn of time, by a caucal (a tropical bird similar to a pheasant) and to have become the most beautiful bird in the forest, instead of staying the dull, insignificant creature it originally was. The number of tattoos Kayan women had depended on their standing. A young slave was only allowed a single line along her legs, drawn freehand and called “Ida teloo” (three lines). A young girl, if free but of humble extraction, could wear a slightly more elaborate tattoo, called an “Ida-pat” (four lines), whereas the daughter of a chief would have highly elaborate tattoos on her forearms, on the backs of her hands, on her legs (from the top of the thighs down to the knees) and on the tops of the feet. The whole operation, beginning when a girl was 8-10, usually took around four years. The tattooist, always a woman for the girls, was highly respected in society and paid generously for her services. The tools she used were simple – two or three wooden sticks each with three or four steel needles stuck to the end with resin, and an iron hammer. The pigment was obtained by mixing soot scraped off the bottom of a metal pot, with water and sugar cane juice. Before tattooing the more complicated designs a sort of stamp was used, a tablet of wood delicately carved by the community’s craftsmen. The tattooist smeared the stamp with pigment and “printed” the pattern on the girl’s skin. Then, adding pigment as necessary, she’d follow the out line left by the stamp and perforate the skin by tapping the needles with the hammer. The entire operation proceeded according to precise ritual. The ninth day after new moon was considered a propitious time to start. The girl’s brothers had to be in attendance, taking turns, and special food was prepared every day for the girl and the tattooist. The work was in pre-established stages, often with long intervals between one and another. The back and backs of the hands were tattooed first, then the tops of the feet, the forearms and lastly the thighs to just below the knees. The arms were divided into longitudinal sections, bands containing the following symbolic patterns: concentric circles, spirals, two concentric circles representing two full moons joined together (the most important motif), a series of horizontal zig-zags, entwined tree roots, a tuba, the ribs of a boat and the “Kayan hook”, two linked spirals. Tattoos could vary from person to person but certain figures were always put in the same position. The symbol representing the roots of the tuba, for example, was always placed in the top half of the arm (women used these poisonous roots to catch fish). The design considered most important was the two full moons. Interestingly, each band always contained a small detail preventing it from being perfectly symmetrical. The back of the thigh was usually decorated with a linear pattern, the number of lines making up the pattern depending on the girl’s social standing. The front and side parts were completely covered by the patterns described above, often embellished or modified, including the following: Balalat lukut, Tinggang, Hornbill, Silong, “Tailless dog” (only in the Rajang area). The final leg tattooing session – decoration of the kneecap – was particularly solemn because considered the conclusion of the whole operation. Many sources concur that in the 19th century Kayan men wore few tattoos. Head hunters had tattoos on the backs of their hands and fingers and anyone who took part in such proceedings was allowed to decorate a finger or thumb. Certain small motifs were sometimes tattooed on the wrist, forearm, thighs, chest or shoulders. It was a Kayan custom for men to tie a sacred seed to the wrist as a charm against disease. A symbolic representation of this seed, the Lukut, was often tattooed on the wrist for the same purpose. A stylized rose (rosette) or star was tattooed on the chest or shoulders. The so-called “dog” motif was tattooed on the forearm and thigh. Some anthropologists sustain that the rose and the star are both derived from the dog motif and represent the animal’s eye, others that the spirals that hook up and usually form the centre of the “rosette” and the “lukut” are in fact based on the Chinese yin and yang symbol. Of the “dog” design, Sharon Thomas wrote the following in the Sarawak Museum Journal in 1968: “People tell me that the animal…. isn’t a dog but an animal that’s now extinct. It used to live in the jungle or the river, it was very big and ate men. ….. It would be more precise to call it a dragon”. In this connection, it’s worth remembering that the Burmese (or Shans) used to tattoo themselves with a representation of a monster to ward off evil. Other ethnic groups in Borneo had their own traditional tattoo designs but by the 19th century they’d abandoned them all and adopted the Kayan style. The Kenowit – originally a tribe of pirates inhabiting the banks of the upper Rajng and with a penchant for plundering villages downstream – were extensively tattooed, in a way “strongly resembling armour plating”. The Kenowit used to tattoo their faces as well, like the Bakatan, who belonged to the same ethnic stock as the Kenowit and tattooed the chin and lower part of the cheeks and sometimes a rosette on the forehead for rapid identification in battle. The most original characteristic of their tattooing was that they used to cover their bodies with “negative” tattoos, the patterns being formed by the skin in its natural colouring while the background was a heavy black. This body decoration took years to complete. Every time a warrior distinguished himself for bravery in battle, he would add a new tattoo. So only the bravest got to be completely tattooed. The various motifs used by the Biaijau – another ethnic group on the south west coast symbolized not only courage in battle and successful headhunting but also skills and craftsmanship, such as carving, or success in love. Particularly interesting is the “naga” tattoo on the stomach, with a traditional Chinese dragon’s head, sporting long sharp teeth, tongue out and a horn on its forehead. The Dusun aborigines used to wear a decorated band, two inches wide, from the shoulder to the stomach and on the forearm a perpendicular stripe for each enemy killed. Their neighbours, the Muruts, used to record the number of enemies killed in the same way and would tattoo a black square on the backs of warriors guilty of fleeing from the field of battle. One tribe that maintained their original traditions were the Kelabits, inhabitants of the northern plains. The men limited themselves to stripes on their arms, while the women decorated their arms and legs with geometrical figures, zig zags and Vs. It is thought that the Iban only started tattooing around 1890 but they immediately showed such exuberance in the practice that they were described by the Sarawak Gazette in 1907 as the “most extensively tattooed tribe in Borneo”. Malcom MacDonald has given us the following description of Temonggong Koh, an Iban chief he met in 1947: “Apart from his distinguished expression, the most noticeable physical attribute was the backs of his hands, which were completely blue, from his wrists to the base of the fingernails. This decoration had an honourable meaning, as it showed he was a great head hunter. Originally, hunters were entitled to tattoo one phalange for every head they cut, so with every new head the hunter would colour a new phalange black-blue. Chief Temonggong Koh had all his fingers, including his thumbs, covered with those honourable signs”. We can’t tell for sure if the symbols on his hands gave an exact count of his human victims or whether the community he headed had merely allowed him to exaggerate with those symbols. Anyway, even if the symbols and their positioning didn’t have a particular meaning, the tattoo in itself certainly did. They indicated that the wearer had taken part in a Bijalai, an important custom amongst the Iban, consisting in a journey the men had to make to obtain material gain and social prestige. It might entail spending months in the jungle cutting rattan (used to make chairs, sticks, etc.) or even a number of years working in a distant city. A man returning from his bijalai had to bring home a trophy – such as a gong or a rifle – and thus earned the right to be tattooed, an operation usually carried out before actually getting home. Iban tattoos: - Calf muscle: usually “Kowit” hooks, a sign that indicated the reaching of puberty. - Shoulders: a rosette (“bunga trong”, “tandan buah”, “buah andu” or “ringgit saliling”). - Thighs and arms: a “kala” scorpion, symbolizing a journey. - Back: rosettes, also symbolizing a journey. - Throat: a “katak” frog (derived from the Bakatan “hooks“), an imitation of the “burong lang” (war god) signs on the throat. - Backs of hands: large tattoos or linear decorations. Symbols of success as a head hunter. The Iban “war god” is a symbolic bird called “burong singalang” but it’s masked by “burong lang”, which can be a falcon or a kite with signs on the throat similar to the “katak” of the Iban. Iban women were also tattooed though not very extensively. The most common tattoo was a “bracelet” around an arm, probably indicating having been cured of a illness. They rarely tattooed their throats like men. Tattoos on the backs of their hands indicated skill in weaving, which was considered a worthy enterprise, much as cutting enemies’ heads off was for men. The Ibans’ lifestyle has undergone many changes in recent years. Certain customs, such as the “bijalai”, have survived anyway and some Ibans still tattoo themselves with the sign that represents it. The throat tattoo has stayed the same, like many other Iban tattoo motifs. The same rosettes can be seen today on shoulders and backs and more or less recognizable scorpions on legs and arms. A lot of new motifs have been introduced, including ships and aeroplanes, often accompanied by the names of places visited. Men also get themselves tattoos in the style of the places they visit, where possible. A tattoo on the back of a hand nowadays probably means that a man has been to Thailand on his bijalai and not that he’s cut someone’s head off. by Luisa Gnecchi Ruscone Tattoo Life
		Choose... +++ INDEX ARCHIVE SECTION +++ +++++ ARTIC TATTOOS +++++ +++++ THERAPEUTIC TATTOOS +++++ +++++ TATTOO AND MAGIC +++++ +++++ BORNEO TATTOO +++++ +++++ TATTOOS & PRISON +++++ +++++ SIGNS OF DISGRACE +++++ +++++ SAILOR TATTOOS +++++ +++++ TATTOO & RELIGION +++++ +++++ TATTOO & WAR +++++ +++++ ELECTRIC TATTOOING IN INDIA I +++++ +++++ ELECTRIC TATTOOING IN INDIA II +++++ +++++ POSITIONING TATTOOS +++++ +++++ EROTIC TATTOOS +++++ +++++ TATTOOS ON HANDS +++++ +++++ THE BRITISH +++++ +++++ PEA, SAMOAN MALE TATTOOING +++++ +++++ THE LEGEND OF SAMOA +++++

Punan

Punan Bah or Punan^[1] is an ethnic group found in Sarawak, Malaysia. They are distinct, unrelated to the Penan and also the other so called Punan found in Kalimantan the Indonesian part of Borneo. Their name stems from two rivers along the banks of which they have been living time immemorial. They do have other names - Mikuang Bungulan or Mikuang and Aveang Buan. But these terms are only used ritually these days.

The Punan (or Punan Bah) have never been nomad. In the old days they base their living on a mixed economy. Swidden agriculture with hill paddy as the main crop, supplemented by a range of tropical plants which include maniok, taro, sugar cane, tobacco, etc. Hunting especially wild boar, fishing, and gathering of forest resources are the other important factors in their economy.

However, in the late 1980s many Punan, notably the younger, more educated, gradually migrating to urban areas such as Bintulu, Sibu, Kuching and Kuala Lumpur in search of better living. However, they didn't abandon their longhouses altogether. Many would still return home - especially during major festivities such as Harvest Festival / or Bungan festival as it is known among Punan.

Punan is a stratified society of 'laja' (aristocrats), 'panyen' (commoners), and 'lipen' (slaves). This is a fact determine their historical traditions that have been preserved. Just like most of the history of European Middle Ages is linked to and mainly concerned the various ruling monarchs, so are the historical and mythical traditions of Punan closely connected to their rulings aristocrats.

CEREMONIAL BATHING OF THE CHILD

Following the traditional naming of the child, the parents begin to think of giving the child a ceremonial bath at a river. Unless this is done with offerings, the child cannot yet be merely allowed to be bathed at the river. On the eve of the festival, the child’s father must get his longhouse mates to assemble at his common room, and inform them of the proposed celebration. All the people at the longhouse are requested to be at home the following day to observe the ceremony. Those who stay at their farm huts are also called back for the occasion.

Early the following morning, the longhouse dwellers start to go down to the river in a procession led by a flag-bearer. He is immediately followed by a man who carries a fowl. The two men are chosen from the influential personality of the longhouse because the flag-bearer will be tasked to slice the water with a nyabor sword (other type of traditional sword would be used if nyabor sword is not available) while the man who carries the fowl will recite an invocation prior to the slicing of the water.

Note: Nyabor sword is the ultimate Iban warrior’s weapon that can only be made by those warriors who have killed an enemy in battle. It is considered a taboo for ordinary people to make such weapon. It’s special identity is the “Butoh Kunding” design at the ricasso lower shoulder of the sword.

They are followed by two women, walking in line one after the other. The first lady bears offerings while the second carries the baby in a sling with a hand woven blanket (pua kumbu belantan or lebor api). These two women are also selected from among the most productive and fortunate breed amongst the longhouse ladies. Next in line are the other ordinary people and they are immediately followed by those who continuously beat the musical percussion throughout the event. Their purpose is to drown away any sound made by unfavorable omen birds during the ceremony.

On arrival at the river, the appointed man starts to recite the following invocation:

“Where are you, Seragindi, the maker of water?
Where are you, Seragindah, the creator of earth?
Where are you, Seragindong, the maker of cape?
Where are you, Seragindee, the creator of day?
Where are you, Seragindit, the maker of sky?”

“This morning we are giving so and so (the child’s name is then mentioned at this juncture) a bath in accordance with our tradition. We beseech thee to confer on him fortune, Give him sharp vision, So that he will be fortunate and wealthy in his life.”

“Where are you the king of fish, the king of gemian (a kind of sea fish).
Where are you the king of semah, the king of tapah (two kinds of river fish).
Where are you the king of soft shelled turtle, the super natural king of turtle.
Where are you, the king of barbus macrolepidoius, the king of fish called kulong?
Where are you the king of crocodile, the king of soft-shelled turtle?”

“If in future if this child, grandchildren of ours, happens to capsize and sink, when he is on his journey, We beseech thee to lift him up and keep him afloat, so that he can convalesce and recuperate and free from any danger and risk.”

“Oh Hoi! Oh Hoi! Oh Hoi!
Sa, Dua, Tiga, Empat, Lima, Enam, Tuuuuuuujoh.
Ni kita Seragindi ke dulu ngaga ai ke bepati enda sebaka nanga?
Ni kita Seragindah ke dulu ngaga tanah ke betingkah nyadi kerapa?
Ni kita Seragindong ke dulu ngaga tanjong betuntong dua?
Ni kita Seragindie ke dulu ngaga hari ke terunji petang kelita?
Ni kita Seragindit ke dulu ngaga langit nungkat neraja?

Nyadi pagi tu kami meri bala anak kami mandi.
Kami endang nitih ka pekat, nitih ka adat.
Kami endang nitih ka adat kelia, adat menya.
Kami endang nitih ka adat aki, nitih ka adat ini kami.
Nya alai kami minta sida iya bidik, minta sida lansik.
Kami minta sida kaya, minta sida raja,
Kami minta sida iya jelai rita, tampak nama.
Kami minta sida lantang, minta sida senang.
Kami minta sida iya pandai, jauh pejalai.

Oh Ha!
Ni kita Raja Ikan, Raja Gamian?
Ni kita Raja Tapah, Raja Semah?
Ni kita Raja Adong, Raja Kulong?
Ni kita Raja Genali, Raja Lelabi?
Ni kita Raja Gumba, Raja Baya?

Kami ngasoh kita nyaga, ngasoh kita ngemata,
Kami ngasoh kita meda, ngasoh kita ngila,
Ngasoh kita ngiching, ngasoh kita merening,
Ngasoh kita nyukong, ngasoh kita nulong.
Nyangka ka dudi hari ila anak telesak,
Uchu ambu kami tu bisi bejalai, bisi nyemberai,
bisi karam, bisi tengelam.
Kami minta kita nanggong,
minta kita melepong ka sida.
Kami ngasoh kita nyagu,
minta kita ngintu sida.
Awak ka sida pulai nyamai, pulai gerai,
Pulai lantang, pulai senang,
Pulai nadai apa, nadai nama.”

Upon the conclusion of reciting the invocation, the flag-bearer then slices the water with his knife, symbolizing the child’s life will be blessed, pure and flow continuously until it reaches its final destination. He then slaughters a fowl a bit further upstream from the spot where the woman is bathing the baby so that the fowl blood may flow towards the child.

When the child is being bathed, the onlookers hilariously make a lot of noise. At this juncture, the gongs are not normally beaten loudly but if the children wish to hit them hard, they are permitted to do so in order to drown any of the sounds made by omen birds, which are either ominous or foretell good fortune.

After the baby has been bathed, and if he is a boy, one of the wings of the slaughtered fowl is then hung on to a shaft of a multi-pronged spear (gansai), tied with a red ribbon. If the baby is a girl, the wing is fastened on to a heddle rod used by ladies in their weaving work. Placed near to the wing of the fowl is the offering which is being put inside a rough bamboo basket (Kalingkang), and hung from the top of the bamboo that still bears leaves.

The people return home after the ceremony held beside the river is over. On their way back, the procession maintain the same order as before. The gongs are being played loudly to avoid hearing the sounds made by omen birds.

On arrival at the longhouse, the child, is wrapped up and held by the mother in her lap as she sits on a large gong placed at the middle of the gallery. A Bebiau ceremony then conducted to cast away any bad omen and to bless the child. The child is then sprinkled with water. The water which the child is being sprinkled with is the water of a stone crystal (batu kuai) that possesses the power to wipe out bad omens brought about by the omen birds. This stone crystal is placed on a large antique china plate together with dollars coins, a gold ring and rain water poured on the same plate.

After the casting away of bad omen and the water sprinkling ceremony is over, the people then begin to eat various kinds of food and drinks prepared by the host like buns, rice wine, liquor and other traditional food. Later, a luncheon is held at the child’s family gallery for the guest and this is termed as the child’s bathing ceremony luncheon.

*source ; GN Mawar Iban Cultural Heritage

Bujang Timpang Berang

We drove to Betong for a coffee time one afternoon,just to drink at a different town,than just at a coffee shop in Kuching.

Did some fishing...get a great experience of watching the 'head' of Benak (tidal bore=an abrupt rise of tidal water moving rapidly inland from the mouth of an estuary.), which happens very rare in Btg. Layar,Betong.

And of course,we visited the legendary cannon 'Bujang Timpang Berang' at the District Office.

This cannon was use by the warrior Rentap in battles against the White Rajah army from around 1850's until his last battle at Bukit Sadok in 1861.

The missing 'shoulder',which where it get its name from.